Benjamin Disraeli - Wikipedia
Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield, KG, PC, FRS (21 December – 19 April ) He had always maintained a close friendship with Queen Victoria, who in appointed him Earl of Beaconsfield. Gladstone immediately stated that he was not one of them, and the Queen gave Disraeli leave to quote her. Discover Benjamin Disraeli famous and rare quotes. Share inspirational quotes by Benjamin Disraeli and quotations about politics and country Queen Victoria. Lord Melbourne was not a match for the young Queen Credit: Justin Slee/ITV which relates the present queen's relations with her prime ministers, would be Disraeli, on the other hand, laid on the flattery with a trowel, and.
You cannot, therefore, be surprised, that I am a little wearied of these barren victories, which like AlmaInkermanand Balaclavamay be glorious but are certainly nothing more. I say that there are two systems of policy to apply to the management of what is commonly called the Eastern questionbut which resolves itself into the geographical question, namely, the possession of that site which commands the empire of the world—the city of Constantinople.
Russell and the noble Lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department Viscount Palmerstonwho believe in the vitality of Turkey, that it may remain an independent and even a progressive country, and form a powerful and sufficient barrier against the encroachment of Russia. There is the other school, which I call the school of Russian polities, that believes that Turkey is exhausted; that all we can do is, by gradually enfranchising the Christian population, to prevent, when its fall takes place, perfect anarchy, and contemplates the possibility of Russia occupying the Bosphorus.
Speech in the House of Commons 21 March It is the initial letters of the four points of the compass that make the word "news," and he must understand that news is that which collies from the North, East, West and South, and if it comes from only one point of the compass, then it is a class publication, and not news.
Speech in the House of Commons 26 March Finality, Sir, is not the language of politics. Speech in the House of Commons 28 February A wise Government, allying itself with religion, would, as it were, consecrate society and sanctify the State. But how is this to be done? It is the problem of modern politics which has always most embarrassed statesmen. No solution of the difficulty can be found in salaried priesthoods and complicated concordats.
But by the side of the State in England there has gradually arisen a majestic corporation wealthy, powerful, independent with the sanctity of a long tradition, yet sympathising with authority, and full of conciliation, even deference, to the civil power. Broadly and deeply planted in the land, mixed up with all our manners and customs, one of the main guarantees of our local government, and therefore one of the prime securities of our common liberties, the Church of England is part of our history, part of our life, part of England itself.
He seems to think that posterity is a pack-horse, always ready to be loaded. Speech in the House of Commons 3 June Speech in the House of Commons 1 August The English people are, without exception, the most enthusiastic people in the world. There are more excitable races.
The French, the Italians, are much more excitable; but for deep and fervid feeling, there is no race in the world at all equal to the English. And what is the subject, of all others, upon which the English people have been most enthusiastic? The notes on the gamut of their feeling are few, but they are deep. Industry, Liberty, Religion, form the solemn scale. Industry, Liberty, Religion — that is the history of England.
Before the civil war commenced, the United States of America were colonies, and we should not forget that such communities do not cease to be colonies because they are independent. Speech in the House of Commons 5 February Professors and rhetoricians find a system for every contingency and a principle for every chance; but you are not going, I hope, to leave the destinies of the British empire to prigs and pedants.
The statesmen who construct, and the warriors who achieve, are only influenced by the instinct of power, and animated by the love of country. Those are the feelings and those the methods which form empires. The Tory party is only in its proper position when it represents popular principles. Then it is truly irresistible. Then it can uphold the throne and the altar, the majesty of the empire, the liberty of the nation, and the rights of the multitude.
There is nothing mean, petty, or exclusive, about the real character of Toryism.
The young Victoria most certainly did not fancy her fat, ageing prime minister
It necessarily depends upon enlarged sympathies and noble aspirations, because it is essentially national. At present the peace of the world has been preserved, not by statesmen, but by capitalists. Sarah Brydges Willyams 17 October Never take anything for granted.
Speech at Salthill 5 October The characteristic of the present age is a craving credulity. What is the question now placed before society with the glib assurance the most astounding? That question is this—Is man an ape or an angel? My lord, I am on the side of the angels. The question is this— Is man an ape or an angel? My Lord, I am on the side of the angels. I repudiate with indignation and abhorrence these new fanged theories. Is man an ape or an angel? Now, I am on the side of the angels!
The democracy of America must not be confounded with the democracies of old Europe. It is not the scum of turbulent cities, nor is it a mere section of an excited middle class speculating in shares and calling it progress. It is a territorial democracy, if I may use that epithet without offending hon. Aristotlewho has taught us most of the wise things we know, never said a wiser thing than that the cultivators of the soil are the class least inclined to sedition and to violent courses.
Speech in the House of Commons 13 March There are rare instances when the sympathy of a nation approaches those tenderer feelings which are generally supposed to be peculiar to the individual, and to be the happy privilege of private life, and this is one. Under any circumstances we should have bewailed the catastrophe at Washington; under any circumstances we should have shuddered at the means by which it was accomplished. But in the character of the victim, and even in the accessories of his last moments, there is something so homely and innocent, that it takes the question, as it were, out of all the pomp of history and the ceremonial of diplomacy; it touches the heart of nations, and appeals to the domestic sentiment of mankind.
Whatever the various and varying opinions in this House, and in the country generally, on the policy of the late President of the United States, all must agree that in one of the severest trials which ever tested the moral qualities of man he fulfilled his duty with simplicity and strength. But it is one of our duties to reassure them under unreasoning panic and despondency.
Assassination has never changed the history of the world. I will not refer to the remote past, though an accident has made the most memorable instance of antiquity at this moment fresh in the minds and memory of all around me. But even the costly sacrifice of a Caesar did not propitiate the inexorable destiny of his country. In the character of the victim [Lincoln], and even in the accessories of his last moments, there is something so homely and innocent that it takes the question, as it were, out of all the pomp of history and the ceremonial of diplomacy—it touches the heart of nations and appeals to the domestic sentiment of mankind.
Time is precious, but truth is more precious than time. Ignorance never settles a question. Speech in the House of Commons 14 May Individualities may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation. Speech at Manchester For what is the Tory party unless it represents national feeling? If it does not represent national feeling, Toryism is nothing.
It does not depend upon hereditary coteries of exclusive nobles. It does not attempt power by attracting to itself the spurious force which may accidentally arise from advocating cosmopolitan principles or talking cosmopolitan jargon. The Tory party is nothing unless it represent and uphold the institutions of the country.
I had to prepare the mind of the country, and to educate I had to prepare the mind of Parliament and the country on this question of Reform.
10 Lessons from Queen Victoria’s Favorite Prime Minister
In a progressive country change is constant; and the great question is, not whether you should resist change which is inevitable, but whether that change should be carried out in deference to the manners, the customs, the laws, the traditions of the people, or in deference to abstract principles and arbitrary and general doctrines.
The one is a national system; the other I see before me the statue of a celebrated minister, who said that confidence was a plant of slow growth. But I believe, however gradual may be the growth of confidence, that of credit requires still more time to arrive at maturity. Speech of 9 November None are so interested in maintaining the institutions of the country as the working classes.
The rich and the powerful will not find much difficulty under any circumstances in maintaining their rights, but the privileges of the people can only be defended and secured by popular institutions. This is to be observed of the Bishop of Londonthat, though apparently of a spirit somewhat austere, there is in his idiosyncrasy a strange fund of enthusiasm, a quality which ought never to be possessed by an Archbishop of Canterburyor a Prime Minister of England [ sic ].
The Bishop of London sympathies with everything that is earnest; but what is earnest is not always true; on the contrary error is often more earnest than truth. George Earle Buckle, p. There can be no economy where there is no efficiency. I think the author who speaks about his own books is almost as bad as a mother who talks about her own children. This war represents the German Revolution, a greater political event than the French Revolution of last century — I don't say a greater, or as great, a social event.
What its social consequences may be are in the future. Not a single principle in the management of our foreign affairs, accepted by all statesmen for guidance up to six months ago, any longer exists. There is not a diplomatic tradition which has not been swept away. You have a new world, new influences at work, new and unknown objects and dangers with which to cope.
The balance of power has been entirely destroyed, and the country which suffers most, and feels the effects of this great change most, is England. That is an apology, not an explanation; and apologies only account for that which they do not alter. Speech in the House of Commons 28 July Without publicity there can be no public spirit, and without public spirit every nation must decay. Speech in the House of Commons 8 August Since the settlement of [the] Constitution, now nearly two centuries ago, England has never experienced a revolution, though there is no country in which there has been so continuous and such considerable change.
Because the wisdom of your forefathers placed the prize of supreme power without the sphere of human passions. Whatever the struggle of parties, whatever the strife of factions, whatever the excitement and exaltation of the public mind, there has always been something in this country round which all classes and parties could rally, representing the majesty of the law, the administration of justice, and involving, at the same time, the security for every man's rights and the fountain of honour.
I confess I am inclined to believe that an English gentleman—born to business, managing his own estate, administering the affairs of his county, mixing with all classes of his fellowmen, now in the hunting field, now in the railway direction, unaffected, un-ostentatious, proud of his ancestors, if they have contributed to the greatness of our common country—is, on the whole, more likely to form a senator agreeable to the English opinion and English taste than any substitute that has yet been produced.
Her Majesty's new Ministers proceeded in their career like a body of men under the influence of some deleterious drug. Not satiated with the spoilation and anarchy of Ireland, they began to attack every institution and every interest, every class and calling in the country As time advanced it was not difficult to perceive that extravagance was being substituted for energy by the Government.
The unnatural stimulus was subsiding. Their paroxysms ended in prostration. Some took refuge in melancholy, and their eminent chief alternated between a menace and a sigh.
As I sat opposite the Treasury Bench the Ministers reminded me of one of those marine landscapes not very unusual on the coasts of South America. You behold a range of exhausted volcanoes.
Not a flame flickers on a single pallid crest. But the situation is still dangerous. There are occasional earthquakes, and ever and anon the dark rumbling of the sea. John Murray,pp. The very phrase "foreign affairs" makes an Englishman convinced that I am about to treat of subjects with which he has no concern. Increased means and increased leisure are the two civilizers of man.
Gentl, I am a party man. I believe that, without party, Parliamentary government is impossible.
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I look upon Parliamentary government as the noblest government in the world, and certainly the one most suited to England.
Gentlemen, the Tory party, unless it is a national party, is nothing. Disraeli at Sydenham," The Times 25 Junep. The most distinguishing feature, or, at least, one of the most distinguishing features, of the great change effected in was that those who effected it at once abolished all the franchises as ancient as those of the Baronage of England; and, while they abolished them, they offered and proposed no substitute.
The discontent upon the subject of representation which afterwards more or less pervaded our society dates from that period, and that discontent, all will admit, has ceased. It was terminated by the Act of Parliamentary Reform of That act was founded on a confidence that the great body of the people of this country were "Conservative". I use the word in its purest and loftiest sense.
I mean that the people of England, and especially the working classes of England, are proud of belonging to a great country, and wish to maintain its greatness—that they are proud of belonging to an Imperial country, and are resolved to maintain, if they can, the empire of England—that they believe, on the whole, that the greatness and the empire of England are to be attributed to the ancient institutions of this country There are people who may be, or who at least affect to be, working men, and who, no doubt, have a certain influence with a certain portion of the metropolitan working class, who talk Jacobinism I say with confidence that the great body of the working class of England utterly repudiate such sentiments.
They have no sympathy with them. They are English to the core. They repudiate cosmopolitan principles. They adhere to national principles. They are for maintaining the greatness of the kingdom and the empire, and they are proud of being subjects of our Sovereign and members of such an Empire.
Well, then, as regards the political institutions of this country, the maintenance of which is one of the chief tenets of the Tory party, so far as I can read public opinion, the feeling of the nation is in accordance with the Tory party. The secret of success is constancy to purpose. A University should be a place of light, of liberty, and of learning. Speech in the House of Commons 11 March You have despoiled Churches.
You have threatened every corporation and endowment in the country. You have examined into everybody's affairs. You have criticized every profession and vexed every trade. No one is certain of his property, and nobody knows what duties he may have to perform tomorrow. This is the policy of confiscation as compared with that of concurrent endowment.
For nearly five years the present Ministers have harassed every trade, worried every profession, and assailed or menaced every class, institution, and species of property in the country. Occasionally they have varied this state of civil warfare by perpetrating some job which outraged public opinion, or by stumbling into mistakes which have been always discreditable, and sometimes ruinous. All this they call a policy, and seem quite proud of it; but the country has, I think, made up its mind to close this career of plundering and blundering.
King Louis Philippe once said to me that he attributed the great success of the British nation in political life to their talking politics after dinner. Upon the education of the people of this country the fate of this country depends.
Speech in the House of Commons 15 June I have always felt that the best security for civilisation is the dwelling, and that upon properly appointed and becoming dwellings depends more than anything else the improvement of mankind. Such dwellings are the nursery of all domestic virtues, and without a becoming home the exercise of those virtues is impossible. It is only by the amplification of titles that you can often touch and satisfy the imagination of nations; and that is an element which Governments must not despise.
A Biographyp. What may be the fate of the Eastern part of Europe it would be arrogant for me to speculate upon But I am sure that as long as England is ruled by English Parties who understand the principles on which our Empire is founded, and who are resolved to maintain that Empire, our influence in that part of the world can never be looked upon with indifference The present is a state of affairs which requires the most vigilant examination and the most careful management.
But those who suppose that England ever would uphold, or at this moment particularly is upholding, Turkey from blind superstition and from a want of sympathy with the highest aspirations of humanity are deceived. What our duty is at this critical moment is to maintain the Empire of England. Nor will we ever agree to any step, though it may obtain for a moment comparative quiet and a false prosperity, that hazards the existence of that Empire.
Speech in the House of Commons 11 August The danger at such a moment is that designing politicians may take advantage of such sublime sentiments and may apply them for the furtherance of their sinister ends. I do not think there is any language which can denounce too strongly conduct of this description. He who at such a moment would avail himself of such a commanding sentiment in order to obtain his own individual ends, suggesting a course which he may know to be injurious to the interests of the country, and not favourable to the welfare of mankind, is a man whose conduct no language can too strongly condemn.
He outrages the principle of patriotism, which is the soul of free communities. He does more—he influences in the most injurious manner the common welfare of humanity.
Such conduct, if it be pursued by any man at this moment, ought to be indignantly reprobated by the people of England; for, in the general havoc and ruin which it may bring about, it may, I think, be fairly described as worse than any of those Bulgarian atrocities which now occupy attention.
What I see in the amendment is not an assertion of great principles, which no man honours more than myself. What is at the bottom of it is rather that principle of peace at any price which a certain party in this country upholds.
It is that dangerous dogma which I believe animates the ranks before me at this moment, although many of them may be unconscious of it. That deleterious doctrine haunts the people of this country in every form.
Sometimes it is a committee; sometimes it is a letter; sometimes it is an amendment to the Address; sometimes it is a proposition to stop the supplies. That doctrine has done more mischief than any I can well recall that have been afloat this century. It has occasioned more wars than the most ruthless conquerors.
It has disturbed and nearly destroyed that political equilibrium so necessary to the liberties of nations and the welfare of the world. It has dimmed occasionally for a moment even the majesty of England. And, my lords, to-night you have an opportunity, which I trust you will not lose, of branding these opinions, these deleterious dogmas, with the reprobation of the Peers of England.
It has been said that the people of this country are deeply interested in the humanitarian and philanthropic considerations involved in [the Eastern Question]. All must appreciate such feelings. But I am mistaken if there be not a yet deeper sentiment on the part of the people of this country, one with which I cannot doubt your lordships will ever sympathise, and that is—the determination to maintain the Empire of England.
The health of the people is really the foundation upon which all their happiness and all their powers as a state depend. Speech of What, then, was that policy? It was a policy of conditional neutrality. Under the circumstances of the case we did not believe that it was for the honour or interest of England or Turkey that we should take any part in the impending contest; but while we enforced the neutrality which we prepared to observe, we declared at the same time that that neutrality must cease if British interests were assailed or menaced.
Cosmopolitan critics, men who are the friends of every country save their own, have denounced this policy as a selfish policy. My Lord Mayor, it is as selfish as patriotism. We have brought a peace, and we trust we have brought a peace with honour, and I trust that that will now be followed by the prosperity of the country. Lord Salisbury and myself have brought you back peace, but a peace, I hope, with honour which may satisfy our Sovereign, and tend to the welfare of the country.
Which do you believe most likely to enter an insane convention, a body of English gentlemen honoured by the favour of their Sovereign and the confidence of their fellow-subjects, managing your affairs for five years, I hope with prudence, and not altogether without success, or a sophistical rhetorician, inebriated with the exuberance of his own verbosity, and gifted with an egotistical imagination that can at all times command an interminable and inconsistent series of arguments to malign an opponent and to glorify himself?
10 Lessons from Queen Victoria’s Favorite Prime Minister – 5-Minute History
A series of congratulatory regrets. The harebrained chatter of irresponsible frivolity. Speech, Guildhall, London A very remarkable people the Zulus: No one, I think, can deny that the depression of the agricultural interest is excessive. Though I can recall periods of suffering, none of them have ever equalled the present in its instances.
That is a remarkable circumstance that has never before occurred—a combination that has never before been encountered. In old days, when we had a bad harvest we had also the somewhat dismal compensation of higher prices; but now, when the harvests are bad the prices are lower rather than higher The country, however, was perfectly warned that if we made a great revolution in our industrial system, that was one of the consequences that would accrue.
I may mention that the great result of the returns we possess is this, that the immense importations of foreign agricultural produce have been vastly in excess of what the increased demands of our population actually require, and that is why the low prices are maintained That is to a great degree the cause of this depression. It cannot be denied that a state of great national prosperity is quite consistent and compatible with legislation in favour of the protection of native industry.
That proposition, years ago, was denied; but with the experience we have had of France and the United States of America—the two most flourishing communities probably in existence—it is now incontestable. Well, my lords, many years ago—nearly 40—this country, which no one can say for a moment did not flourish with the old system of protection, deemed it necessary to revise the principles upon which its commerce was conducted The scheme that was adopted was this—that we were to fight hostile tariffs with free imports.
I was among those who looked upon that policy with fear. I believed it to be one very perilous. I always understood that barter was the last effort of civilization that it was exactly that state of human exchange that separated civilization from savagery; and if reciprocity is only barter, I fear that would hardly help us out of our difficulty. My noble friend read some extracts from the speeches of those who had the misfortune to be in Parliament at that time, and he honoured me by reading an extract from the speech I then made in the other House of Parliament.
That was a speech in favour of reciprocity, and indicated the means by which reciprocity could be obtained. That is to say But when he taunts me with his quotation of some musty phrases of mine 40 years ago, I must remind him that we had elements then on which treaties of reciprocity could be negotiated. At that time, although the great changes of Sir Robert Peel had taken place, there were articles in the tariff which were materials by which you could have negotiated, if that was a wise and desirable policy, commercial treaties of reciprocity.
What is the number you now have in the tariff? Those who talk of negotiating treaties of reciprocity You have lost the opportunity. I do not want to enter into the argument at the present moment; but England cannot pursue that policy. In assuming that peace will be maintained, I assume also that no Great Power would shrink from its responsibilities.
If there be a country, for example, one of the most extensive and wealthiest of empires in the world—if that country, from a perverse interpretation of its insular geographical position, turns an indifferent ear to the feelings and the fortunes of Continental Europe, such a course would, I believe, only end in its becoming an object of general plunder.
So long as the power and advice of England are felt in the councils of Europe, peace, I believe, will be maintained, and maintained for a long period. Without their presence, war, as has happened before, and too frequently of late, seems to me to be inevitable. I speak on this subject with confidence to the citizens of London, because I know that they are men who are not ashamed of the Empire which their ancestors created; because I know that they are not ashamed of the noblest of human sentiments, now decried by philosophers—the sentiment of patriotism; because I know they will not be beguiled into believing that in maintaining their Empire they may forfeit their liberties.
One of the greatest of Romans, when asked what were his politics, replied, Imperium et Libertas. That would not make a bad programme for a British Ministry.
It is one from which Her Majesty's advisers do not shrink. If the Eviction Act passes, there will not be many more seasons. It is a revolutionary age and the chances are, that even you and I may live to see the final extinction of the great London Seasonwhich was the wonder and admiration of our youth. II, to London: Ernest Benn Limited,p. Here everything is dark. The other great party, the Whigs, were anathema to Disraeli: He began to move in Tory circles. She was having an affair with Lyndhurst, and began another with Disraeli.
Lyndhurst was an indiscreet gossip with a fondness for intrigue; this appealed greatly to Disraeli, who became his secretary and go-between. Disraeli stood as a Radical for the last time inunsuccessfully contesting High Wycombe once again. He possesses all the necessary requisites of perfidy, selfishness, depravity, want of principle, etc. I do not use it as a term of reproach; there are many most respectable Jews. But there are, as in every other people, some of the lowest and most disgusting grade of moral turpitude; and of those I look upon Mr.
Disraeli as the worst. He has just the qualities of the impenitent thief on the Cross, and I verily believe, if Mr. Disraeli's family herald were to be examined and his genealogy traced, the same personage would be discovered to be the heir at law of the exalted individual to whom I allude.
Disraeli now, and as the lineal descendant of the blasphemous robber, who ended his career beside the Founder of the Christian Faith, I leave the gentleman to the enjoyment of his infamous distinction and family honours. Disraeli kept Labouchere's majority down to a good showing that put him in line for a winnable seat in the near future.
His Vindication of the English Constitution, was published in December It was couched in the form of an open letter to Lyndhurst, and in Bradford's view encapsulates a political philosophy that Disraeli adhered to for the rest of his life.
His targets included the Whigs, collectively and individually, Irish nationalists, and political corruption. The English nation, therefore, rallies for rescue from the degrading plots of a profligate oligarchy, a barbarizing sectarianism, and a boroughmongering Papacy, round their hereditary leaders—the Peers. The House of Lords, therefore, at this moment represents everything in the realm except the Whig oligarchs, their tools the Dissenters, and their masters the Irish priests.
In the mean time, the Whigs bawl that there is a "collision! He was elected to the exclusively Tory Carlton Club inand was also taken up by the party's leading hostess, Lady Londonderry. Back-bencher[ edit ] In the election in JulyDisraeli won a seat in the House of Commons as one of two members, both Tory, for the constituency of Maidstone. He had broken off the relationship in latedistraught that she had taken yet another lover. He followed O'Connell, whom he sharply criticised for the latter's "long, rambling, jumbling, speech".
He was a loyal supporter of the party leader Sir Robert Peel and his policies, with the exception of a personal sympathy for the Chartist movement that most Tories did not share. His motives were generally assumed to be mercenary, but the couple came to cherish one another, remaining close until she died more than three decades later. They held that the landed interests should use their power to protect the poor from exploitation by middle-class businessmen.
Before the Reform Actthe working class did not possess the vote and therefore had little political power. Although Disraeli forged a personal friendship with John Brighta Lancashire manufacturer and leading Radical, Disraeli was unable to persuade Bright to sacrifice his distinct position for parliamentary advancement. When Disraeli attempted to secure a Tory-Radical cabinet inBright refused. BrightPeelBentinck and Stanley Disraeli gradually became a sharp critic of Peel's government, often deliberately taking positions contrary to those of his nominal chief.
The best-known of these stances were over the Maynooth Grant in and the repeal of the Corn Laws in However, the young MP had attacked his leader as early as on Ireland and then on foreign policy interventions.
In a letter of Februaryhe slighted the Prime Minister for failing to send him a Policy Circular. He laid into the Whigs as freebooters, swindlers and conmen, but Peel's own free trade policies were directly in the firing line. Peel hoped that the repeal of the Corn Laws and the resultant influx of cheaper wheat into Britain would relieve the condition of the poor, and in particular the suffering caused by successive failure of potato crops in Ireland—the Great Famine.
Disraeli had declined, as Bentinck had offered to lead if he had Disraeli's support. Disraeli stated, in a letter to Sir William Miles of 11 Junethat he wished to help "because, from my earliest years, my sympathies had been with the landed interest of England".
In Blake's words, "[Disraeli] found himself almost the only figure on his side capable of putting up the oratorical display essential for a parliamentary leader. However, he would take office with a group of men who possessed little or no official experience, who had rarely felt moved to speak in the House of Commons, and who, as a group, remained hostile to Disraeli on a personal level. In the general electionDisraeli stood, successfully, for the Buckinghamshire constituency.
RussellRothschildManners and Granby In a small political crisis occurred which removed Bentinck from the leadership and highlighted Disraeli's differences with his own party.
In that year's general election, Lionel de Rothschild had been returned for the City of London. As a practising Jew he could not take the oath of allegiance in the prescribed Christian form, and therefore could not take his seat. Lord John Russell, the Whig leader who had succeeded Peel as Prime Minister and like Rothschild was a member for the City of London, proposed in the Commons that the oath should be amended to permit Jews to enter Parliament.
The Tories and the Anglican establishment were hostile to the bill. One who was not yet an MP, Lord John Mannersstood against Rothschild when the latter re-submitted himself for election in Disraeli, who had attended the protectionists' dinner at the Merchant Taylors' Halljoined Bentinck in speaking and voting for the bill, although his own speech was a standard one of toleration.